LeftWingPost.com

The Winning Essays on Bullying Are …

George — Fri, 18 May 2012 14:32:19 +0000

Before I get to her story, let me share a sampling of the entrants who wrote poignantly and powerfully about the suffocating ostracism of school corridors and cafeterias.

“For eight years, I have skipped lunch to get to the safety of the library, bury myself in books, and count the days till graduation,” wrote Alyssa Ahrens, 17, a high school senior in Indiana. “As of today, it is 64.”

Plenty of adults are skeptical about the fuss over bullying. “How come the thin-skinned kids nowadays can’t handle the bullying that made us better, stronger adults?” one man wrote to me on Twitter.

He should read what Madison Jaronski, 15, of New Hope, Pa., wrote:

“Tears have been flooding down my face; breathing is a task that now seems impossible. I draw my legs closer and closer into my chest as I try to transform the pressure into reassuring comfort. I begin to slowly rock myself, and by now my tears have colored my pillow black. …

“All of my accomplishments and enjoyable moments are overshadowed by the pain and harassment that was thrust upon me. Just looking at my surface, you would see a confident young woman, as sturdy as a rock. You would never think that I was broken, broken into a million pieces like shattered glass, all because of the work of a group of senior boys.”

You want to reach out to these kids and envelop them in a big warm hug and tell them that they are smart, sensitive human beings, a thousand times better than their tormenters.

Teen Ink magazine, which helped me conduct the essay contest and chose the finalists, observes that bullying is compounded by social media because nice kids will casually press the button on a vicious Facebook comment that they might never express face to face.

“Today’s problem isn’t so much the bullying itself — bullying has been around for centuries,” says Paulina Puskala, 17, of Marquette, Mich. “The problem is that it is difficult to escape it.”

“Technology-enabled bullies contain the ability to harass 24/7,” she added.

Many of the essay writers argue that adults are either oblivious to bullying or turn a blind eye to it. In any case, they say, students themselves have to take the lead in making bullying uncool.

One such initiative was outlined by Emily-Anne Rigal, 18, of Williamsburg, Va. After being tormented about her weight, to the point that she had to switch schools, she founded We Stop Hate, an organization that she describes as “more than just an antibullying program. It’s a call to action to stop hate: stop hating on yourself, stop hating on others.”

The program has helped thousands of young people, she says. Lady Gaga has declared herself inspired by Emily-Anne.

All these essay writers are my winners, and their full essays are posted on my blog, nytimes.com/ontheground. And now excerpts from the grand prize-winning essay, which also contained a ray of hope. It’s by Lena Rawley, 17, of Montclair, N.J.

“Teenage girls are cruel super-humans from a distant galaxy sent here to destroy us all,” she began. “They have the self-entitlement of a celebrity heiress and the aggression of a Roman gladiator. Like vampires, they feed off the blood of the weak. They’re pubescent monsters.”

“Not only was I a former teenage mean girl, but I was tortured, tormented, isolated and socially maimed by them as well. When they acquire a target, teenage girls, with the determination of a private assassin, will stop at nothing to take down their target.”

“I was the wounded gazelle. … Vicious rumors began spreading around and dirty looks and foul words were thrown my way in the hall. I was forced off the lunch table and into social leprosy.”

“I received an e-mail from the ringleader of the group. I opened it up to reveal a headline that bluntly stated, ‘Fifty Reasons Why We Can’t Be Friends With You.’ Underneath the headline, as promised were neatly 50 reasons, ranging from my body to my personality to my clothes, that clearly stated the reason for my alienation.

“I felt sick. But I wasn’t going to let them get me. Those hyenas didn’t deserve my tears. I deleted the note, picked up the pieces and moved on. I found friends who were kind and accepting. Friends who wouldn’t devour their own.

“My experience, while evidently not ideal, is something that I would not change. I don’t see it as a stain upon the fabric of my life, but more like an embellishment. A decorative brooch I wear with pride, a brooch that cries: I overcame bullying, so can you.”

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: May 17, 2012

An earlier version of this column misstated the location of Paulina Puskala’s home. It is in Marquette, Mich., not Marquette, Miss.

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Dancing With Derivatives

George — Fri, 18 May 2012 14:32:17 +0000

Jamie Dimon calls it “a doozy.”

And it was. A $2 billion credit derivatives trading bungle that could mushroom to a $4 billion loss.

The shining industry agitator against some of the tougher regulations on banks has suddenly become the shining example of why still tougher regulations may be needed.

After the economy nearly atomized in a cloud of cupidity, Dimon became known as America’s least-hated banker. But now the blunt 56-year-old Queens native who snowed Democrats in Washington with all his talk about not lumping in “good banks” with “bad banks” has fallen off his pedestal.

If Jamie the Great and his “good bank” can make such a gigantic blunder, sending déjà vu shivers down America’s back, what hope is there for lesser bankers?

As Noam Scheiber writes in The New Republic, “we now have ironclad proof — as if we really needed it — that everyone is capable of disastrous stupidity.”

Dimon doesn’t buy the argument that bosses of big, complex companies can never make mistakes. A smart quarterback still needs great defensive ends, as he puts it, or the guy who runs McDonald’s can’t ensure all the meat is fresh.

Britain has been rocked by a “shareholder spring,” a revolution of ordinarily placid investors vetoing bloated executive pay deals and bonuses. Three top executives of British firms were sacked in revolts of shareholders, who also rose up against giving new executives millions in “golden hellos.”

As a pay advisory body crisply put it, “It is unclear how a golden hello benefits shareholders.”

It is redolent of the classic movie “The Solid Gold Cadillac,” with Judy Holliday as a scrappy small stockholder, challenging the board of directors about fat salaries and dubious policies.

With C.E.O. pay going stratospheric as workers’ pay grew stagnant, anger was bound to erupt.

Yet there wasn’t much ire at the JPMorgan Chase annual shareholders meeting in Tampa on Tuesday. It was over quickly and painlessly, despite — or maybe because of — Dimon’s admission on “Meet the Press” that his team was “sloppy” and “stupid” and used “bad judgment” in incurring the loss, which has led to the rolling of three heads at the bank, an F.B.I. investigation, and a Congressional ramp-up for more chiding hearings.

Talking even faster than usual, the tarnished silver-haired banker told shareholders that he couldn’t justify the “self-inflicted” debacle. While the trade was “poorly vetted and poorly executed,” he said it wouldn’t make a dent in the “fortress balance sheet.”

A few shareholders asked pointed but polite questions, but most supported Dimon. “We think you are doing a fabulous job,” one Tampa shareholder told the C.E.O. Outside, a paltry 20 protesters gathered.

The Rev. Seamus Finn, representing shareholders from the Catholic organization Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate, did gently press the boss: “We’re wondering, Mr. Dimon, given what we’ve learned, do you still believe a company can self-regulate when trading on their own accounts?” He added: “Furthermore, should our company really be spending shareholder funds on, some $7 million last year alone, on lobbying efforts to thwart the Dodd-Frank legislation and the work of regulators to write the rules stemming from that legislation?”

The priest concluded that the shareholders, “weary of mistakes” and pledges to reform, wonder if Dimon is listening.

But the group endorsed Dimon’s pay package of $23 million and let him keep his dual titles of chairman and C.E.O.

Dimon says he’s a “barely Democrat,” but he’s known as the favorite banker of the president, who called Dimon “one of the smartest bankers we got” on “The View” on Tuesday. President Obama’s financial disclosure report released on Tuesday showed a checking account at JPMorgan worth $500,000 to $1 million, and in 2010 the president defended Dimon’s $17 million bonus, on top of compensation in 2010 and 2011 of $23 million.

New York City’s chief audit officer is urging Dimon to “claw back” salary and bonuses paid to the top executives who dragged the bank into the excessive risk. That would be a first for Wall Street. Dimon says he is “likely” to do it, but is loath to “act like a judge and jury” with Ina Drew, the head of the investment office who resigned on Monday, given that she lost $2 billion on that deal while she was making $9 billion on others.

He knows he has to claw his way back to high regard.

“I never put myself on a pedestal,” he said. “You lose credibility, you have to earn it back. You have to earn respect every day. It’s never how great we are. It’s always the good, the bad and the ugly.”

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Romney denounces idea of Obama-Wright campaign ads

George — Fri, 18 May 2012 14:32:15 +0000

JACKSONVILLE, Fla. (AP) — Mitt Romney swiftly and firmly distanced himself Thursday from a group exploring plans to target President Barack Obama‘s relationship with a controversial former pastor. But the revival of the Rev. Jeremiah Wright as a campaign issue momentarily placed race at the center of the presidential contest and showcased the independent groups playing a new role this year with big-money TV ads.

Republican Romney pushed back against a proposal being weighed by a conservative super PAC, Ending Spending Action Fund, to run a $10 million ad campaign drawing attention to racially provocative sermons Wright delivered at a church Obama attended in Chicago. But with super PACS operating under significantly looser campaign finance restrictions than in past presidential contests, there was no guarantee Romney’s words would be heeded by other groups eager to make Wright — and, by extension, race — a factor in the campaign.

“I want to make it very clear: I repudiate that effort,” Romney told reporters after a campaign stop in Florida. “I think it’s the wrong course for a PAC or a campaign. I hope that our campaigns can be respectively about the future and about issues and about vision for America.”

Romney indicated he was eager to shift the discussion back to jobs and the economy — bedrock issues on which he contends Obama is vulnerable.

Joe Ricketts, the billionaire benefactor of the super PAC, also distanced himself from the plan and announced he, too, would reject a racially focused approach.

“Not only was this plan merely a proposal — one of several submitted to the Ending Spending Action Fund by third-party vendors — but it reflects an approach to politics that Mr. Ricketts rejects and it was never a plan to be accepted but only a suggestion for a direction to take,” the group’s president, Brian Baker, said in a statement.

The New York Times first reported the group had commissioned a blueprint devised by Republican strategist Fred Davis and others titled “The Defeat of Barack Hussein Obama: the Ricketts Plan to End His Spending For Good.” The Associated Press also obtained a copy of the 54-page blueprint, which outlined a TV, print and social media campaign casting new light on Obama and his “misguided mentor,” Wright.

“Super PACs” have played a major role in this year’s campaign already, spending many millions of dollars on ads assailing candidates in the Republican primaries — though with no legal connection to the rival contenders they aimed to help. Huge additional sums are expected to be spent before November by groups partial to Obama and Romney but barred from coordinating efforts with the candidates’ campaigns.

Reaction from the Obama team was swift to the “Ending Spending” proposal.

“To launch a multimillion dollar divisive attack campaign is not what the American people want,” White House Spokesman Jay Carney said. “There are moments when you have to stand up and say that’s not the right way to go.”

Obama campaign manager Jim Messina, commenting before Romney denounced the plan in an interview with Townhall.com, accused the Republican of “reacting tepidly in a moment that required moral leadership in standing up to the very extreme wing of his own party.”

Messina noted that Republican Sen. John McCain, Obama‘s opponent in the 2008 presidential race, had rejected using Wright and Wright’s sermons in that campaign. But Davis, a colorful Hollywood consultant, clearly wanted another chance to use the strategy against Obama.

“Our plan is to do exactly what John McCain would not let us do: show the world how Barack Obama‘s opinions of America and the world were formed,” Davis’ proposal said.

Davis’ firm said in a statement Thursday that the document — which called for “hitting Barack right between the eyes” — was only a proposal and did not win Ricketts‘ approval.

Wright first emerged as an issue for Obama in the 2008 campaign when the pastor’s sermons surfaced on television and online. In a 2003 sermon, Wright said black people should condemn the United States.

“The government gives them the drugs, builds bigger prisons, passes a three-strike law and then wants us to sing ‘God Bless America.’ No, no, no, God damn America, that’s in the Bible for killing innocent people,” Wright said at the time. “God damn America for treating our citizens as less than human. God damn America for as long as she acts like she is God and she is supreme.”

Obama has credited Wright with leading him to Christianity, and Wright performed Obama’s 1994 wedding to Michelle Obama and baptized the couple’s two daughters. Obama took the name for his best-selling memoir, “The Audacity of Hope,” from one of Wright’s sermons.

The Wright controversy became a campaign problem for Obama, pushing him to deliver a major speech on race relations. He eventually severed his ties to Wright.

For his part, Arizona Sen. McCain said Thursday he felt he had done the right thing on the Wright issue.

“I remain proud of our campaign and proud of what we were able to accomplish, and I would do it over again,” McCain said at the Capitol. He said the matter seemed dead after Romney repudiated the proposal.

He shrugged when asked whether independent groups should take up matters such as Wright’s remarks.

“It’s a way for political operatives to continue to make money,” McCain said.

Another top Republican, House Speaker John Boehner, of Ohio, declined to be drawn into the debate.

“This election is going to be about the economy,” he said when reporters asked him to react to the proposed ad campaign. “I don’t know what these other people do or why they do it.”

Unease with Obama’s history with Wright has percolated among many Republicans for years, providing fodder for conservative television and talk radio.

But Republican strategists generally said they were put off by the Davis group’s approach, reasoning it would meet resistance from independent voters likely to decide the outcome of the election. A majority of those voters approve of Obama personally even as they remain skeptical of his performance as president.

“Among those folks the personal incendiary stuff will backfire badly and will be seen as mean, personal and angry,” Republican pollster Adam Geller said.

The story cast new attention on Ricketts, the founder of Nebraska-based TD Ameritrade Securities and patriarch of the family that bought the Chicago Cubs baseball team in 2009. Ricketts has been active in conservative politics for years, most recently helping Republican Deb Fischer win an upset victory this week in the Republican Senate primary in Nebraska.

The fallout from the Wright story appeared to rattle Ricketts’ family.

Tom Ricketts, one of the elder Ricketts’ four children and Cubs chairman, joined his father in rejecting what he called a “return to racially divisive issues” in the campaign.

“Our team and every other Major League Baseball team are great examples of people of diverse backgrounds working together toward a common goal,” Tom Ricketts said.

His sister Laura Ricketts, an Obama contribution bundler and gay rights activist, released a statement saying, “The love of country was instilled in us by my father. We have different political views on how to achieve what is best for the future of American, but we agree that each of us is entitled to our own views.”

___

Online:

http://apne.ws/JTyAnc

Fouhy reported from New York. Associated Press writers Jim Kuhnhenn and Charles Babington in Washington, Joshua Funk and Margery Beck in Nebraska and Thomas Beaumont in Des Moines, Iowa, contributed to this report.

Follow Beth Fouhy on Twitter at www.twitter.com/bfouhy

Follow Philip Elliott on Twitter at www.twitter.com/Philip_Elliott

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Romney releases first general election TV ad

George — Fri, 18 May 2012 14:32:14 +0000

WASHINGTON (AP) — Mitt Romney‘s first general-election TV commercial promises he would introduce tax cuts and approve the Keystone XL oil pipeline on the first day of his presidency.

The Republican candidate released the ad Friday, coupling it with a fundraising pitch. The 30-spot is upbeat, in contrast to an ad President Barack Obama is running that criticizes Romney as a businessman. Romney has called the Obama ad “character assassination.”

In Romney’s commercial, his first since becoming the presumptive nominee, an announcer asks: “What would a Romney presidency be like?”

“Day One: President Romney immediately approves the Keystone pipeline, creating thousands of jobs that Obama blocked,” the announcer declares, referring to a pipeline Obama has delayed. Republicans insist his decision shows Obama’s hostility toward the energy industry.

“President Romney introduces tax cuts and reforms that reward job creators, not punish them,” the announcer says, repeating a familiar Republican theme.

Then, in an effort to ease conservative skepticism, the announcer says: “President Romney issues order to begin replacing Obamacare with common-sense health care reform.”

As governor of Massachusetts, Romney signed into law a health care overhaul that was a model for Obama’s health care law. Conservatives loathe the law’s requirement that individuals purchase health insurance or face penalties.

Romney does not speak in the ad. But it shows video and still photos of Romney appearing with U.S. workers, underscoring the campaign’s central pitch that Romney is the best candidate to improve the economy.

The ad ignores Congress’ role in fulfilling these promises, especially on the health care law. A full repeal would require votes from Republican majorities in both the House and Senate or Democratic support for repeal. Republicans currently control the House and have voted to repeal the law. But Democrats control the Senate, and the balance of power on Capitol Hill would have to shift in order to make Romney’s pledge a reality.

Congress also would have to act on taxes. The president cannot set tax rates.

Data provided to The Associated Press from TV stations and media buyers shows Romney is spending $1.3 million to air the ad in Iowa, North Carolina, Virginia and Ohio, all critical battleground states. The campaign also released a Spanish language version of the ad.

The campaign has not aired commercials since Romney’s top Republican challenger, Rick Santorum, dropped out of the race for president in April.

Several conservative super PACs have stepped in instead, to air ads attacking Obama.

___

Associated Press writer Beth Fouhy in New York contributed to this report.

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Early political spats suggest nothing off-limits

George — Fri, 18 May 2012 14:32:12 +0000

WASHINGTON (AP) — The early border skirmishes of Campaign 2012 are reviving questions about one candidate’s former pastor and shining a spotlight on the other’s high school hijinks. Can a fresh round of questions about President Barack Obama‘s birth certificate be far behind?

In a campaign year when voters have declared the economy their top concern, Obama and Mitt Romney are on notice that there’s no statute of limitations on the issues or conduct that might be used against them. And there’s sure to be somebody with money or other means to insert even low-threshold matters into the political dialogue.

“It’s open season,” says Eric Dezenhall, an expert on crisis management. “This is going to be very rough.”

Thursday’s disclosure that a Republican-leaning super PAC was considering a $10 million ad campaign highlighting Obama‘s past links to inflammatory preacher Jeremiah Wright was just the latest evidence that if there ever were limits on what was fair game in a campaign, they’re largely history.

That’s thanks to a flood of new money into politics, the ease of spreading political attacks via the Internet and changing attitudes about what’s an appropriate topic for discussion. Long gone are the days when candidates’ extramarital escapades were off-limits, photographers avoided taking pictures of Franklin D. Roosevelt in a wheelchair and a few newspapers and TV stations acted as gatekeepers.

The New York Times quoted backers of this year’s Wright ad proposal as aiming to “do exactly what John McCain would not let us do” in the 2008 campaign.

Romney repudiated the Wright plan, as did the super PAC financier weighing it. Nonetheless, Obama‘s campaign accused Romney of refusing to “stand up to the most extreme voices in the Republican Party” and the president’s supporters were happy to associate Romney with what campaign strategist David Axelrod called the “purveyors of slime.”

McCain, the 2008 GOP nominee, spoke out forcefully during the campaign four years ago against efforts to use Wright’s provocative speeches against Obama, and the issue largely subsided. But since then, a series of court cases has cleared the way for an onslaught of campaign ads from outside groups seeking to influence elections.

Such so-called super PACs can be a megaphone for matters that would have gotten less attention in the past, and still allow candidates to deny they’re involved.

But outside messengers who do the dirty work in campaigns are nothing new in presidential politics. Democrat Michael Dukakis in 1988 was the target of an infamous outside ad about a furloughed rapist named Willie Horton. Democrat John Kerry in 2004 saw his record as a Vietnam War hero mischaracterized and used against him by the outside group Swift Boat Veterans for Truth.

Political historian Evan Cornog, author of “The Power and the Story,” said the staying power of a particular issue or charge usually depends on whether it jibes with the public’s understanding of a candidate.

“We are addicted to narratives, and if something fits with the story, it’s going to get some traction,” says Cornog. “A good political operative will have a fairly good sense of what will work and what will not work.”

Both sides are experiencing this in real time:

—Questions about Romney’s bad behavior toward classmates during his high school years, revealed in a recent Washington Post article, are being used to reinforce the profile that Romney’s critics have tried to create of the GOP candidate as a corporate bully. The Democratic National Committee circulated the Post article and highlighted just one sentence about Romney’s behavior: “It was vicious.”

—Questions about Obama’s ties to his former preacher’s incendiary rhetoric about America and about whether the president was truly born in Hawaii and is a Christian fit with broader efforts to paint Obama as radically different from most Americans. Romney earlier this year told an interviewer, “I’m not sure which is worse, him listening to Reverend Wright or him saying that we must be a less Christian nation.” That was a reference to remarks in which Obama actually did not promote a less Christian nation but observed growing religious diversity in the U.S.

When something nicely fits with the profile that one side or the other is trying to build, it may endure long after a question has been duly asked and answered.

Questions about the validity of Obama’s Hawaii birth certificate, for example, have been widely discredited, they but keep popping up. Donald Trump and Texas Gov. Rick Perry both toyed with it during the presidential primaries. A poll last May, after Obama had released his detailed Hawaii birth certificate, found that a third of Americans still thought he might have been born elsewhere or said they didn’t know.

Cornog points to plenty of positive aspects to the free-wheeling exchange of ideas and information allowed by a broad variety of news sources and the Internet but also has a warning: “If you enter an age in which you have elective belief systems independent of fact, you have a problem for your political world.”

___

AP News Survey Specialist Dennis Junius in Washington contributed this report

___

Follow Nancy Benac on Twitter at http://www.twitter.com/nbenac

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Glenn Beck after Fox: More powerful than ever?

George — Fri, 18 May 2012 14:32:11 +0000

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Article source

Do women have better gaydar than men?

George — Fri, 18 May 2012 14:32:08 +0000

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Article source

10 things you need to know today: May 18, 2012

George — Fri, 18 May 2012 14:32:06 +0000

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Article source

Is Bill Clinton an effective ally… for Mitt Romney?

George — Fri, 18 May 2012 14:32:04 +0000

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Article source

Sissy Spacek’s 6 favorite books

George — Fri, 18 May 2012 14:32:03 +0000

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{cptn}”,”template_name”:”sm_thmb_play_ttle”,”i18n”:{“end_of_gallery_header”:”End of Gallery”,”end_of_gallery_next”:”View Again”},”metadata”:{“pagination”:”{firstVisible} – {lastVisible} of {numItems}”,”ult”:{“spaceid”:”37141787″,”sec”:”"}}},{“id”: “hcm-carousel-1872064887″, “dataManager”: C.dmgr, “mediator”: C.mdtr, “group_name”:”hcm-carousel-1872064887″, “track_item_selected”:0,”tracking”:{
“spaceid” : “37141787″,
“events” : {
“click” : {
“any” : {
“yui-carousel-prev” : {
“node” : “a”,
“data” : {“sec”:”HCMOL on Article”,”slk”:”prev”,”itc”:”1″ },
“bubbles” : true,
“test”: function(params){
var carousel = params.obj.getCarousel();
var pages = carousel._pages;

// if same page, don’t beacon
if((“_ult_current_page” in carousel) carousel._ult_current_page==pages.cur) return false;

// keep track of current position within this closure
carousel._ult_current_page = pages.cur;

// no more pages, don’t beacon again
// if same page, don’t beacon
if((“_ult_current_page” in carousel) carousel._ult_current_page==pages.cur) return false;

if (window.XMLHttpRequest)
xmlhttp=new XMLHttpRequest();
else
xmlhttp=new ActiveXObject(“Microsoft.XMLHTTP”);

xmlhttp.open(“GET”,uri,true);
xmlhttp.send();
}
}catch(e){}
})();
});
Y.later(10, this, function() {if(document.onclick===YAHOO.Media.PreventDefaultHandler.newClick){document.onclick=YAHOO.Media.PreventDefaultHandler.oldClick;}
});
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});
});
});

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